Last Friday’s Philanthropy Today (“Opinion: Are Foundations Going Too Far in Embracing Political Activism?”) cites on op-ed by Anthony Paletta in the Wall Street Journal (“The Fawning of the Foundations”) on the recent Council on Foundations conference. I’m pausing for a quick look at this commentary because of (i) my interest in civic engagement and political participation within the nonprofit and voluntary sector and (ii) a local angle: mention in the op-ed of an LA-based nonprofit engaged in grassroots organizing.
Philanthropy Today’s takeaway: Mr. Paletta sees evidence that “foundations are turning away from supporting programs to help those in need and enrich society toward a kind of political activism that Mr. Paletta finds worrisome and dangerous.” Well, actually – a careful reading of Mr. Paletta’s commentary reveals more innuendo than assertion. His commentary is mostly just an occasion to taunt liberals without forthrightly expressing just what’s wrong with the “greater levels of political engagement in philanthropy” he cites in his op-ed.
Here’s his lead: “It’s no surprise that President Obama, with a lengthy background in the non-profit sector, has made strong efforts to reach out to the philanthropic community. What may come as a surprise is just how exhilarated the philanthropic community is by the attention.” If we take his words literally here, he is not so much worrying or fearing danger, as noting the (possibly surprising) measure of exhilaration “the philanthropic community” is experiencing.
An allusion (six paragraphs later) to a “brave new world” signals disapproval, without getting around to saying why:
“If you thought that philanthropy’s mission was simply to donate to areas in need, then you haven’t been paying attention. As Gara LaMarche, president of Atlantic Philanthropies stated: ‘Charity is insufficient unless there’s some alteration to underlying structures.’ Other panelists fleshed out the picture of a brave new world of ‘strategic philanthropy,’ in which goals such as ‘transformative change’ and political advocacy, including work with the Obama administration, become essential components of philanthropic work.”
He continues: “In fact, Constance Rice, co-director of the Advancement Project-Los Angeles, recommended that foundations place themselves ‘well beyond advocacy’ in a position of full-fledged activism. Deepak Bhargava, executive director of the Center for Community Change, cited ‘large scale protest’ as a central requirement for philanthropic impact. Just what sort of impact are they seeking? Panelists cited migrant rights, income justice, reproductive justice and climate change.” [Emphasis added.]
The Advancement Project was established by civil rights attorneys convinced that “sustainable progress can be made when multiple tools—law, policy analysis, strategic communications, technology, and research— are coordinated with grassroots movements,” while the Center for Community Change mobilizes grassroots groups on behalf of “low-income people, especially low-income people of color.”
Does Mr. Paletta regard that sort of impact as threatening? This is left to the imagination of Wall Street Journal readers, because he never comes right out and says it.
With his intimation that blending “political advocacy” and “philanthropy work” is troublesome, Mr. Paletta finds himself in an awkward position – because he is an editor at the Manhattan Institute’s Center for the American University, which funds courses that “work against the thrust of programs and courses in gender, race and class studies, and postmodernism in general” (”Conservatives Try New Tack on Campus,” by Patricia Cohen, New York Times, September 21, 2008). The Institute boasts – and justifiably so – of its influence in “shaping political culture.”
Mark Schmitt’s “Philanthropy is My Co-Pilot,” which appeared a day before Mr. Paletta’s commentary (American Prospect, April 29, 2010), provides a useful counterpoint:
“The ‘philanthropic sector’ in the U.S. can be seen as a brilliant government-subsidized (by tax exemption) pluralistic research-and-development system for social policy (as well as for science, medicine, and arts). Leaving aside the vast number of philanthropies and nonprofits that simply provide services, most large foundations now understand that to make a real impact, they have to influence public policy in some way.”
Mr. Schmitt adds parenthetically: “Conservative foundations understood this long before centrist and liberal ones did.” The link he provides is to Karen Paget’s “State of the Debate: Lessons of Right-Wing Philanthropy” (American Prospect, September 1, 1998), which references Paul Weyrich (featured recently at LA Philanthropy Watch – here and on video – advancing the view that it’s better if not everyone votes) in describing the “new conservative labyrinth.”
“This ‘labyrinth,’” Ms. Paget writes, “includes dozens of national and regional think tanks (Heritage, American Enterprise, Free Congress Research and Education, Cato, Hudson, Hoover, Manhattan, and so on), legal centers (Institute for Justice, Washington Legal Foundation, and the Pacific, Atlantic, New England, and Southeastern Legal Foundations), magazines (the American Spectator, the Weekly Standard), journals (the Public Interest, the National Interest), and an extensive communications and marketing capacity, including National Empowerment Television, a national television network that reaches more than 11 million households. ”
Conservatives have melded, with great success stretching back many years, philanthropy and politics. Their objections to philanthropic funding for political advocacy – when others engage in it – lead to some awkward dancing.
Ht (for Mark Schmitt reference): connieboyd.
(Photo by Jonathan McIntosh in wikimedia.)